By Jeremy Boissevain & Tom Selwyn
This selection of essays examines social, political, and monetary kin in essentially ecu coastal destinations during the lens of tourism. The members discover the intersecting pursuits of fishing, tourism, and improvement and the clash between neighborhood groups and industry forces, all of that are infused with the symbolism of the ocean as a spot of puzzle and hazard. From the tensions among Cornish villagers and town viewers to the explosion of inn improvement in Gran Canaria, the authors think of the connection among neighborhood citizens, companies, and vacationer newbies as they vie for prestige, impression, and, finally, for house. in regards to the AuthorJeremy Boissevain is professor emeritus of social anthropology on the college of Amsterdam. Tom Selwyn is professor of anthropology at London Metropolitan college. [C:\Users\Microsoft\Documents\Calibre Library]
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Additional info for Contesting the Foreshore: Tourism, Society and Politics on the Coast
There is good, fertile land suitable for vegetable and fruit production, and there is plenty of evidence of former orchards and market gardens. Further up the valley slopes there are dry stone walls supporting terraces on which dry farming (carob, almond, fig, olive) was practised. These 38 Chapter Two areas of agricultural production were, for the most part, managed as part of large estates, some of which were extremely wealthy. It is even worth positioning the history of, say, the past few hundred years, in a longer-term context.
Some of the owners of coastal lands (typically younger sons or daughters of families whose elder siblings owned land in the interior) became rich. The majority, lacking capital to develop the lands themselves, sold them to developers. In the early days, coastal development was essentially opportunistic and unplanned. As the tourism industry grew, the centres of economic gravity expanded to include tour operators, many of them foreign. Economic power on the coast increasingly came to be located in combinations of development companies/ banks and (often foreign) tour operators – although the extent to which individual members of previously dominant families have retained power in the new economic climate must be a matter for ethno-financial investigation.
Such an association is to be expected in a context in which many workers in the hotel industry on the island come from the mainland. I also suggested that one of the reasons why Mallorcan and Spanish nationalisms have not, unlike Greek and Turkish nationalisms in Cyprus, resulted until now in hot conflict in Mallorca is that government (particularly local government) on that island has been powerful enough to have regulated the provision of services (health, education, and so on) and employment to both indigenous Mallorcan and immigrant Spanish workers in the tourist industry to safeguard the well-being of both communities.