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Lenin’s initial portrayal of the international reality following the Civil War was of an unstable balance of power between opposing forces that were destined sooner or later to enter into conflict, although the timing was difficult to predict. 62 So the Bolsheviks adopted the idea of a transition from a ‘war of movement’ to a ‘war of position’, without, however, sensing that the latter might require them to rethink their strategy. The revolutionary delusions dating from the war with Poland were put aside in favour of more prudent positions that took into account the less favourable balance of power.

43 In other words, Stalin seemed more inclined to acknowledge the obdurate national identities of Europe, which Lenin largely failed to take into account. Their shared vision was, however, the product of wishful thinking. The revolutionary prospects of the movement behind the factory occupations in Italy would soon prove to 38 PBKI, doc.  53. 39 Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sočinenij, vol. 41, 219, 225. 40 Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol.  120. 41 Pipes, The Unknown Lenin, doc. 51. 42 KIMR, doc.

The sense of danger and the feeling that great opportunities existed continued to feed off each other. 36 The high point of the Bolshevik counter-offensive and Lenin’s decision to drive the Red Army onwards towards Warsaw coincided with the Second Congress of the Comintern. However accidental the timing, it took on a highly symbolic significance. The Congress was called on to ratify the effective birth of the communist movement as an antagonist of the old socialist one—a movement now capable of gathering sufficient consensus, particularly in Germany and France.

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